Meredith A Blackwell

Stress associated with resource deprivation is an active social determinant of mental health. However, mixed findings around the strength of this association and its persistence over time obscure optimal interventions to improve mental health in forcibly displaced populations. A reciprocal model was analyzed between resource access and measures of depression, anxiety and posttraumatic stress (PTSD) symptoms at three different assessments conducted 6 months apart (Time [T] 1, T2, and T3). Participants included resettled refugees ( N = 290) from three geocultural regions (i.e., Afghanistan, the Great Lakes Region of Africa, and Iraq/Syria). The results showed that although limited resource access at T1 was related to depressive and anxiety symptoms, B = 0.26, SE = 0.16, p = .023, r 2 = 0.55; posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms, B = 0.20, SE = 0.10, p < .001, r 2 = .56; and culturally specific depression and anxiety at T2, B = 0.22, SE = 0.16, p < .001, r 2 = 0.65, these were not reciprocally related to resource access at T3. The results help clarify the strength and direction of effects between resource deprivation and depression, anxiety , and PTSD sympotms over time. Although resource deprivation is predictive of depression, anxiety, and PTSD symptoms among recently resettled refugees, the effect may not persist in the long term. These findings have critical implications, including the urgency of ensuring initial access to resources for resettled refugees to stave off the development of depression, anxiety and PTSD symptoms, as delaying immediate resource access may result in the development of chronic, hard‐to‐treat mental health disorders.

Two hundred forty-seven ( N = 247) undergraduate women at a medium-sized, Southwestern university provided written descriptions of a hypothetical sexual assault (SA). Women with a prior history of SA also described their actual SA experiences; women without a SA history provided a written description of a prior bad date or hookup. The contextual features of SA scripts were compared to those of actual SA experiences. Several characteristics of a stereotypical or “blitz rape” (e.g., physical force by a stranger) were more likely to be included in SA scripts relative to women’s actual SA experiences. Victimized women were also more likely to include verbal coercion, a hangout/hookup context, and previous consensual kissing in their SA experiences, in comparison to their SA scripts. The contextual features of SA experiences were also compared to the contextual features of bad dates or bad hookups. SA experiences, relative to bad dates, were more likely to include alcohol use, physical and verbal coercion by the perpetrator, and passive resistance. SA experiences, relative to bad hookups, were more likely to include physical and verbal coercion by the perpetrator, and knowing the man for less than 1 week. Victimized participants SA experiences were also found to be less likely to include previous consensual kissing and consensual intercourse in comparison to bad hookup experiences of nonvictimized women. Overall, there was considerable overlap between the contextual features present across all experiences. The lack of differentiation among these events may explain why women experience difficulty acknowledging whether they have experienced SA.